Saturday 12 April 2014

Growth, development and containment

Containment

In my last post, I described the disconnect between development and growth, and how that is reflected in the world's economic order between the developed, or 'growing' world, and the 'developing' world. 

Though I take a critical view, 'sustainable development' per se is not a bad thing, but the picture that emerges from this disconnect is that, often, development becomes a strategy of containment or mitigation. In practice, what we call 'development' in a charity context is often to mitigate the negative effects of economic development.

When tribes have been dispossessed of their truly sustainable lives, and pulled into developed urban chaos where poverty and wealth exist in ways that never did before, they need this form of ‘sustainable’ development. There is little reason why, having lived the same kind of life for countless centuries, they might need anything else.

Let me be clear that I am not trying to romanticise tribal life. These are hard people, living hard lives. I do not at all begrudge them access to facilities and institutions if they want them. My issue is with the practised belief that they must want these things, whether they realise it or not. 

Post tribal

I’ve seen streets of typical post-tribal African towns. Empty sachets of sugar cane spirits flake and crumble in the red dust. Old men, still in their traditional shuka cloaks sit beneath a tree drinking all day, receiving handouts from the local NGO. Meanwhile a group of well-intentioned young people build a water pipeline for them – a great way to fix a formerly itinerant community. I’ve seen it. I’ve done it(1).
Hard folks, hard lives.
The tribe in this example, the Hadzabe, are one of the last hunter-gatherer tribes in Africa. Since the end of traditional empire-based colonialism, when Africa coalesced (more or less) into nation states, the government of Tanzania has been trying to 'fix' these communities, with fairly minimal success. In 1961, a town was built for one of the communities. They moved in and, following their custom, moved on with the game. The government made several more fruitless attempts and gave up until 2007, when they tried an opposite approach, attempting to lease massive tracts of their traditional hunting grounds as a safari reserve for a company based in the UAE(2). After a huge international outcry, the Tanzanians reneged on the deal(3).

Education is an informative example when we look at the interaction of the modern with the traditional. Within Hadza hunter gatherer communities, many young people elect not to go to school, despite it being in some way available. Many young people in these communities are aware of school and what they can get from it, but do not see the ‘gain’ that we presume. Most development workers, myself included, have harnessed huge gains from education – usually up to post-graduate level. We are not even faintly comparing like with like. Exercises of power like formal education are normally viewed as benign at worst, but can play a part in erasing distinctive identities by forcing people to operate within a larger culture than their own.
                                       
To attempt to join a global modernised society would severely disempower members of this kind of community, according to their cultural views of power. The ability to track game, to survive for days on end in the wilderness, to navigate, to fletch arrows, to make and use a bow. This is their empowerment. The only empowerment that we can hope to provide is a strange, warped kind that operates within our metropolitan, modernised sphere of experience and this form of empowerment can only become relevant when this kind of world begins to encroach upon the social and physical environment of these tribes. That is fine in theory, except that this kind of progress works at a different rate than a human life. In the social spaces in which tribal communities live, the difference between the wealthiest and the poorest members is negligible. In a town, a fat man without the first idea of how to catch a Dikdik*, but who knows how to sell a car, might be immeasurably wealthier than the average Hadza*. It is no wonder that when faced with rapid social and physical alienation, that rates of alcoholism, drug-addiction and suicide in post-tribal communities are staggeringly higher than in metropolitan communities. 

(*a small, incredibly fast antelope. Slightly bigger than a hare.)
(*I mean immeasurably – they don’t use money for day-to-day activities)

Another thing to make clear, these folk aren't afraid of the wider world, they welcome strangers, sharing food and fire. The Hadzabe don't even mind if you break their cultural norms (within reason - I would often run around the countryside tops off. They thought it was strange, but didn't much care). They want to enact their lives in a manner of their choosing. Instead, global society seeks to put them into the prison we have built for ourselves.

As I had a lot of trouble last night starting a fire - with matches and charcoal - I remembered seeing a man starting a fire in less than a minute using two sticks, a handful of grass and a piece of cow dung.

Tbc.




Sources

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